Chile Became a Democracy Again in

Process of Chile moving away from dictatorship

Republic of Chile

República de Chile


Coat of arms of Chile

Coat of arms

Por la razón o la fuerza

(“By reason or past forcefulness”)
Anthem:Himno Nacional de Chile

(“National Anthem of Chile”)

Location of Chile
Capital Santiago
Common languages Spanish
Government Unitary presidential constitutional republic

• 1990–94

Patricio Aylwin

• 2022–26

Gabriel Boric
Establishment Return to commonwealth

• Established

11 March 1990

• 1990


• 2017

Currency Chilean peso
ISO 3166 code CL
Preceded by Succeeded by
Armed forces dictatorship of Chile (1973-1990)
Republic of chile

Chilean transition to democracy
is the proper noun given to the process of restoration of democracy carried out in Chile after the finish of the military dictatorship of Pinochet, in 1990, and peculiarly to the get-go two democratic terms that succeeded it. Although historians dissent on how long it lasted, there is consensus that information technology was a long process that went on for at least 15 years (some fifty-fifty argue that it has not finished even so, for the Constitution promulgated during Pinochet’s government is still in strength.) During the process, the democratic institutions were progressively strengthened while the political influence of the war machine was gradually rolled back.

The period was characterized by an economic consensus effectually free market place economics accompanied by rapid economic growth, a decline of anti-dictatorship insurgency that rejected the new democracy and political rule of a eye-left coalition led by two consecutive Christian Democrat presidencies. In cultural terms, Chile remained in the 1990s a conservative country with no divorce or abortion law. Civilian-armed services relations were a delicate matter during the 1990s and former dictator Augusto Pinochet remained commander-in-chief of the army.

The preparation for the transition began inside the dictatorship itself when a Constitution establishing a transition itinerary was approved in a referendum. From 11 March 1981 to March 1990, several organic constitutional laws were approved, leading to the last restoration of commonwealth. After the 1988 referendum, the 1980 Constitution (which is still in effect today) was amended to ease provisions for hereafter amendments to the constitution, create more than seats in the senate, diminish the role of the National Security Council, and equalize the number of civilian and military members (four members each).

Christian Democrat Patricio Aylwin served from 1990 to 1994 and was succeeded by another Christian Democrat, Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle (son of Eduardo Frei Montalva), leading the same coalition for a six-yr term. Ricardo Lagos Escobar of the Socialist Party and the Political party for Democracy led the Concertacion to a narrower victory in the 2000 presidential election. His term concluded on eleven March 2006, when Michelle Bachelet of the Socialist Party took office.[one]
Center-right investor and businessman Sebastián Piñera, of the National Renewal, assumed the presidency on xi March 2010, later Bachelet’s term expired. Bachelet returned to the office on 11 March 2014, being succeeded by Piñera in the following term (2018–2022).

1988 plebiscite and reform of the Constitution


Passed nether tight military machine control in 1980, the Chilean constitution’s legal dispositions were designed to lead to the convocation of all citizens to a plebiscite during which the Chilean people would ratify a candidate, proposed by the Principal of Staff of the Chilean Armed Forces and by the General Director of the Carabineros, the national police force force, and who would become the President of Chile for an 8-year term. In 1980, this meant that the Chilean people were supposed to approve Augusto Pinochet’southward candidacy, assuring him popular legitimacy and the sanction of a vote. If the people refused the junta’s chosen candidate, the military would relinquish political command to the civilians, leading to presidential and parliamentary democratic elections the following yr, putting an finish to the military government.

In 1987, Pinochet’s regime passed a police force allowing the creation of political parties and another law allowing the opening of national registers of voters. If the bulk of the people voted “yes” to Pinochet’southward referendum, he would accept remained in power for the next eight years. Instead, Congress was elected and installed on March 11, 1990.

Impact just i of my men, and forget most the rule of law.

Augusto Pinochet, 1989[2]

Context and causes of Pinochet’due south determination to follow the Constitution


Various factors led to Pinochet’s decision to resume this procedure, including the state of affairs in the Soviet Union, where Mikhail Gorbachev had initiated the glasnost and the perestroika democratic reforms. Those reforms led to the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and to the official end of the Cold War, which was an of import factor.

The Cold War had important consequences in Due south America, considered by the United States to be a total part of the Western Bloc, in dissimilarity with the Eastern Bloc, a division born with the end of Globe War Two and the Yalta Conference. Following the 1959 Cuban Revolution and the local implementation in several countries of Che Guevara’south foco theory, the US waged a war in South America against the “Communists subversives,” leading to support in Chile of the right-wing, which would culminate with the coup of 1973 in Chile. In a few years, all of S America was covered by similar military dictatorships, chosen
juntas. In Paraguay, Alfredo Stroessner was in ability since 1954; in Brazil, left-wing President João Goulart was overthrown by a war machine coup in 1964; in Republic of bolivia, Full general Hugo Banzer overthrew leftist General Juan José Torres in 1971; in Uruguay, considered the “Switzerland” of Southward America, Juan María Bordaberry seized power in the June 27th 1973 coup. A “Dirty War” was waged all over the continent, culminating with Functioning Condor, an agreement between security services of the Southern Cone, other South American countries, and the U.s. government which provided training to repress and electrocute domestic political opponents. In 1976, militaries seized power in Argentine republic and supported the 1980 “Cocaine Coup” of Luis García Meza Tejada in Bolivia, earlier training the Contras in Nicaragua where the Sandinista National Liberation Front, headed by Daniel Ortega, had taken power in 1979. Similar military coups took identify in Guatemala and in El Salvador. In the 1980s, yet, the situation progressively evolved in the world as in Southward America, despite a renewal of the Cold State of war from 1979 to 1985, the year during which Gorbachev replaced Konstantin Chernenko every bit leader of the USSR.

It is believed that the visit of Pope John Paul II in Apr 1987 may have influenced Pinochet’s determination to call for elections. The Pope is shown here at the Pontifical Cosmic University of Chile on 4 Apr 1987.

Some other alleged reason of Pinochet’s determination to call for elections was Pope John Paul Ii’due south April 1987 visit to Chile: he visited Santiago, Viña del Mar, Valparaíso, Temuco, Punta Arenas, Puerto Montt and Antofagasta. Earlier his pilgrimage to Latin America, the pontiff criticized Pinochet’s government every bit “dictatorial” while speaking with reporters. Co-ordinate to
The New York Times, he was “using unusually strong linguistic communication” to criticize Pinochet and told the journalists that the Church in Republic of chile must non only pray, only actively fight for the restoration of republic in Republic of chile.[3]
During his 1987 Chilean visit, the Polish pope asked Chile’s 31 Catholic bishops to entrada for free elections in the country.[4]
According to George Weigel, he held a meeting with Pinochet during which they discussed the topic of the return to commonwealth. John Paul II allegedly pushed Pinochet to accept a democratic opening of the regime, and even chosen for his resignation.[5]
In 2007, Cardinal Stanisław Dziwisz, acting as Pope John Paul II’south secretary, confirmed that the Pope asked Pinochet to stride downwardly and transfer power over to civilian government during his visit.[six]
John Paul II besides supported the Vicariate of Solidarity during his visit, which was a Church building-led pro-democracy, anti-Pinochet system. John Paul II visited the Vicariate of Solidarity’s offices, spoke with its workers, and “chosen upon them to keep their work, emphasizing that the Gospel consistently urges respect for human rights.”[seven]
Some have erroneously accused John Paul II of affirming Pinochet’s regime by appearing with the Chilean ruler in his balcony. However, Fundamental Roberto Tucci, organizer of John Paul Ii’due south pilgrimages, revealed that Pinochet tricked the pontiff by telling him he would take him to his living room, while in reality he took him to his balcony. Tucci claims that the pontiff was “furious.”[8]

Whatsoever the instance, political advertisement was legalized on five September 1987, and became a fundamental element of the campaign for the “NO” to the referendum, which countered the official entrada which presaged a return to a Pop Unity regime in instance of Pinochet’s defeat. Finally, the “NO” to Pinochet won with 55.99% of the votes, against 44.01% of the votes. As a result, presidential and legislative elections were chosen for the following year.

Furthermore, in July 1989, a constitutional plebiscite took place subsequently long negotiations betwixt the regime and the opposition. If approved, 54 constitutional reforms were to be implemented, among which the reform of the way that the Constitution itself could be reformed, the brake of state of emergency dispositions, the affidavit of political pluralism, the strengthening of constitutional rights as well as of the autonomous principle and participation to the political life. All parties in the political spectrum supported the reforms, with the exception of the small right-wing Avanzada Nacional and other pocket-sized parties. Reforms were passed with 91.25% of the vote.

Aylwin assistants


Pinochet congratulates new President Patricio Aylwin on inauguration day, 11 March 1990.

coalition, which supported the render to democracy, gathered the Christian Democrat Party (PDC), the Socialist Party (PS), the Party for Democracy (PPD) and the Social Democrat Radical Party (PRSD). Christian Democrat Patricio Aylwin won a sweeping victory in the December 1989 elections, the first democratic elections since the 1970 election won by Salvador Allende. Patricio Aylwin had gathered 3,850,023 votes (55.17%), while the center-correct supermarket tycoon Francisco Javier Errázuriz Talavera from the UCCP party managed to take 15.05% of the vote, whose main effect was lowering right-wing candidate Hernán Büchi’southward votes to 29.40% (approximately 2 1000000 votes).

In December 1989, Patricio Aylwin, caput of the
coalition, won the first autonomous election in Chile since 1970.

coalition dominated Chilean politics for much of the adjacent two decades. In February 1991, it established the National Commission for Truth and Reconciliation, releasing the Rettig Report on human rights violations during Augusto Pinochet’s dictatorship. This written report, contested by human rights NGOs and associations of political prisoners, counted only two,279 cases of “disappearances” which could be proved and registered. Of grade, the very nature of “disappearances” made such investigations very hard, while many victims were still intimidated by the authorities, and did not dare go to the local police heart to annals themselves on lists, since the police officers were the same as during the dictatorship.

Several years after, the same problem arose with the 2004 Valech Report, which counted almost 30,000 victims of torture, amidst testimony from 35,000 people. However, the Rettig Written report did list important detention and torture centers, such as the Esmeralda ship, the Víctor Jara Stadium, Villa Grimaldi, etc. Registration of victims of the dictatorship, and the following trials in the 2000s of armed services personnel guilty of human rights violations, dominated the struggle for the recognition of crimes committed during the dictatorship by human rights NGOs and associations of political prisoners, many of whom resided in exile.

Besides implementing the Rettig Commission, Aylwin’s government established a
Comisión Especial de Pueblos indígenas
(Special Committee of Indigenous People), whose report provided the intellectual framework of the “Indigenous Law” (ley indígena) or law northward° nineteen 253. The law went into effect on September 28, 1993[nine]
and recognized the Mapuche people as an inherent part of the Chilean nation. Other ethnic people officially recognized included Aymaras, Atacameñas, Collas, Quechuas, Rapa-Nui, Yámanas and Kawashkars. Despite this state proclamation of indigenous rights, conflicts brought by land-occupations and Mapuche’s claims led to state repression and the use of the anti-terrorist law against Mapuche activists, a law instated by the military

Frei Ruiz-Tagle assistants


Preparing for the 1993 ballot, the Concertación held primaries in May 1993, which pitted left-wing Ricardo Lagos (PPD) against Christian-Democrat Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle, (PDC), the son of erstwhile President Eduardo Frei Montalva (1911–1982, President from 1964 to 1970). Eduardo Frei won these primaries by a large majority of 63%.

The right-wing, grouped as the Alliance for Chile, likewise held primaries between 2 candidates: Sebastián Piñera of the National Renewal (RN) the largest right-wing party at the fourth dimension and who had supported the “NO” during the 1988 referendum on the return to noncombatant rule, and Arturo Alessandri Besa, old member of the National Party (PN), and the nephew of Jorge Alessandri , quondam President of the Republic during the term 1958 – 1964 and Presidential Candidate of the Correct-wing in the 1970 election . Alessandri won those primaries, and thus represented the Alliance for Chile against the Concertación.

Others candidates included José Piñera, who was the onetime Government minister in the early on 1980s that had implemented the police force granting property of copper to the Chilean Armed Forces and presented himself equally an independent (6%); ecologist Manfred Max-Neef (5.55%), representative of the
Left-Wing Democratic Alternative,
which gathered the Communist Political party (PCC), MAPU (office of the Pop Unity coalition of Allende) and the Christian Left Political party; Eugenio Pizarro Poblete (less than 5%); and finally Cristián Reitze Campos of the left-wing Humanist Political party (1.ane%).

On 28 May 1993, the
took place, during which paratroopers surrounded the Chilean Army headquarters located close by to the Palacio de la Moneda.[x]
The motive for the war machine uprising was the opening of investigations concerning the “Pinocheques”, or checks received by Pinochet for a total amount of $three 1000000 in the frame of kickbacks from an artillery deal.[11]
A few days before (and unnoticed at the time), Jorge Schaulsohn, President of the Bedroom of Deputies, had also denounced irregularities during arms merchandise committed past the Chilean Regular army through the intermediary of the FAMAE (Factories and Arsenals of the Army of Chile) — which was later continued to the Gerardo Huber instance, a Chilean Army Colonel and amanuensis of DINA who was assassinated the previous twelvemonth.[11]

Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle finally won the election in the first round in Dec 1993 with an accented majority of almost 58% (more than 4 million votes) against Arturo Allesandri who gathered 24.4% (effectually 1,700 000 votes). Eduardo Frei took office in March 1994 for a 6-year term until 2000. During his term, information technology was not possible to approximate any military for his function during the dictatorship, while big sectors of the Chilean gild remained

Arrest and trial of Pinochet and Lagos assistants


Following an understanding between Pinochet and Andrés Zaldívar, president of the Senate, Zaldavír voted to abolish September eleven as a National Holiday which celebrated the 1973 coup. Supporters of Pinochet had blocked any such attempts until and then.[12]
The same year, Pinochet traveled to London for back surgery. One time there, he was arrested on the orders of Spanish gauge Baltasar Garzón, provoking worldwide attention, non only because of the history of Chile and South America, but also considering this was one of the first arrests of a dictator based on the universal jurisdiction principle. Pinochet tried to defend himself by referring to the State Immunity Act of 1978, an argument rejected by British judicial system. However, UK Home Secretary Jack Harbinger released him on medical grounds, and refused to extradite him to Spain. Pinochet returned to Chile in March 2000. Upon descending the plane in his wheelchair, he quickly stood up and saluted the cheering crowd of supporters, including an army band playing his favorite war machine march tunes, which was awaiting him at the airdrome in Santiago. President Ricardo Lagos, who had just been sworn in on March 11, said the retired full general’s televised inflow had damaged Chile’s image, while thousands demonstrated against him.[13]

Representing the
coalition for democracy, Ricardo Lagos had narrowly won the election just a few months earlier past a very tight margin of less than 200,000 votes (51.32%) against Joaquín Lavín who represented the right-fly Alliance for Republic of chile (around 49%). None of the vi candidates had obtained an absolute bulk on the first circular held on December 12, 1999. Lagos was sworn-in for a 6-year term on March 11, 2000.

In June 2000, the Congress passed a new law which granted anonymity to members of the armed services who provide data on the
Meanwhile, the trials concerning man rights violations during the dictatorship continued. Pinochet was stripped of his parliamentary amnesty in August 2000 past the Supreme Court and was indicted by estimate Juan Guzmán Tapia. In 1999, Tapia had ordered the arrest of five military men, including Full general Pedro Espinoza Bravo of the DINA, for their role in the Caravan of Death following September xi coup. Arguing that the bodies of the “disappeared” were still missing, he fabricated jurisprudence which lifted whatsoever prescription on the crimes committed by the armed forces. Pinochet’s trial continued until his death on December x, 2006, with alternating indictments for specific cases, lifting of immunities by the Supreme Court or to the contrary amnesty from prosecution, with his health as main statement for, or against, his prosecution. In March 2005, the Supreme Court affirmed Pinochet’s amnesty apropos the 1974 bump-off of Full general Carlos Prats in Buenos Aires, which had taken place equally office of Operation Condor. Even so, he was deemed fit to stand trial for Operation Colombo, during which 119 political opponents were “disappeared” in Argentine republic. The Chilean justice besides lifted his immunity on the Villa Grimaldi instance, a detention and torture heart in the outskirts of Santiago.

Pinochet, who yet benefited from a reputation of righteousness from his supporters, lost legitimacy when he was put under house arrest on taxation fraud and passport forgery post-obit the publication of a study concerning the Riggs Banking company in July 2004 by the US Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations. The written report was a consequence of investigations on financial fundings of the September 11th 2001 attacks in the U.s.. The bank controlled between US$iv meg and $viii million of Pinochet’s assets, as he lived in Santiago in a modest house, hiding his wealth. According to the study, Riggs Bank participated in money laundering for Pinochet, setting up offshore shell corporations (referring to Pinochet as only “a former public official”) and hiding his accounts from regulatory agencies. Related to Pinochet’s and his family unit secret bank accounts in United States and in Caraïbs islands, this tax fraud filing for an amount of $27 million shocked the conservative sectors who still supported him. Ninety percent of these funds were raised between 1990 and 1998, when Pinochet was chief of the Chilean armies, and essentially would have come from weapons trafficking when purchasing Belgian “Mirage” air-fighters in 1994, Dutch “Léopard” tanks, Swiss “Mowag” tanks, or by illegal sales of weapons to Croatia in the eye of the Balkans war. His wife Lucía Hiriart and his son Marco Antonio Pinochet were as well sued for complicity. For the fourth time in seven years, Pinochet was indicted past the Chilean justice.[xv]

The Chilean authorities took control in August 2005 of the Colonia Dignidad concentration military camp, directed past ex-Nazi Paul Schäfer.

2005 reform of the 1980 Constitution


Over 50 reforms to Pinochet’s Constitution were approved in 2005, which eliminated some of the remaining undemocratic areas of the text, such as the being of not-elected Senators (institutional senators, or senators for life) and the disability of the President to remove the Commander in Master of the Armed services. These reforms led the President to controversially declare Republic of chile’s transition to democracy as complete. However, its anti-terrorist measures remained, which take been used against the indigenous Mapuche. Furthermore, the military still receives coin from the copper industry.

Bachelet administration


In 2006, the
again won the presidential election: Michelle Bachelet, Republic of chile’s starting time woman president, beat out Sebastián Piñera (Alliance for Chile), and obtained more than than 53% of the vote. Bachelet’south first political crisis occurred with massive protests by students who were demanding free bus fare and waiving of the university admissions test (PSU) fee, among longer-term demands such equally the abolition of the Organic Constitutional Law on Pedagogy (LOCE), an end to municipalization of subsidized education, a reform to the Full-time School Twenty-four hours policy (JEC) and a quality education for all. The protests peaked on May 30, 2006, when 790,000 students adhered to strikes and marches throughout the country, becoming Chile’due south largest student sit-in of the past 3 decades.[16]

The 2006–2007 Chilean corruption scandals were a serial of events in which the Chilean governing
was under investigations of corruption.

In June 2007, General Raúl Iturriaga, the onetime deputy director of the DINA, was sentenced to v years’ imprisonment for the abduction of Luis Dagoberto San Martin in 1974. Iturriaga had been in hiding from the regime for a number of years[
clarification needed

only was arrested in Baronial 2007.[17]

The Cutting trade-wedlock federation called for demonstrations in August 2007. These went on during the night, and at least 670 people were arrested, including journalists and a mayor,[xviii]
and 33
were injured.[xix]
The protests were aimed against the Bachelet government’s free market policies. Socialist Senator Alejandro Navarro was injured by the police during the demonstrations,[20]
although it subsequently emerged that he had hitting and kicked police and is currently[

under investigation by the Senate Ethics Committee.[21]
Senators from the opposition have requested that Navarro and other congressmen who participated in the protest exist removed from Congress for violating the ramble article which bans congressmen from participating in demonstrations which “violate the peace”.[22]

In August 2007, a BBC contributor wrote that about three million workers, roughly half the workforce, earned the minimum wage of $260 (£130) a calendar month.[20]
At the same fourth dimension, Arturo Martínez, full general secretary of the Cutting, requested explanations from the government and defendant it of having stirred up the tension.[23]
Politicians from the center-right
and from the governing centre-left
have in plow criticized the Cut for the violence of the protest.[
citation needed

Piñera administration


2d Bachelet assistants


2nd Piñera administration


Massive noncombatant protests started on October 18, 2019, when Chilean people demanded a new constitution, the power to end the transition menstruation, and start a real democracy.[24]
The protests have hopes of reducing and eliminating social and economic inequality, improving wellness, didactics and other public systems, and catastrophe the current alimony organization (AFP), amongst other of import issues.[
citation needed

The appointed 26 Apr 2020 referendum has been delayed to 25 October due to the COVID-xix Pandemic, and the ensuing elections for a Elective Associates to write the new constitution take been themselves delayed from 25 October 2020 to 11 April 2021. The elections were moved back to 15-16 May 2021 and completed successfully.

See as well


  • 2006 student protests in Chile
  • Transition to democracy
  • No, a moving picture well-nigh the 1988 referendum



  1. ^

    “Background note”. Department of State.

  2. ^

    Educación para la Ciudadanía: Democracia, capitalismo y estado de derecho
    (in Spanish). Ediciones Akal. 2007. p. 204. ISBN9788446035992
    . Retrieved
    viii June

  3. ^

    Pope, on Latin Trip, Attacks Pinochet Regime
    The New York Times, 1 April 1987

  4. ^

    Pope Tells Chile’south Bishops To Printing for Gratuitous Elections; Pontiff Joins Pinochet on Palace Balcony The Washington Post, iii April 1987

  5. ^

    Heraldo Muñoz,
    The Dictator’s Shadow: Life under Augusto Pinochet, p. 183, Basic Books (2008), ISBN 0465002501

  6. ^

    George Weigel,
    Biografía de Juan Pablo II – Testigo de Esperanza, Editorial Plaza & Janés (2003), ISBN 84-01-01304-6

  7. ^

    Timmerman, Jacobo
    Chile: Expiry in the South, p. 114, Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1987 ISBN 978-0-517-02902-2

  8. ^

    Dlaczego January Paweł Two wyszedł z Pinochetem na balkon Gazeta Wyborcza, 24 December 2009

  9. ^

    “LEY Nº 19.253 – LEY INDÍGENA”
    (PDF). Archived from the original
    on xxx October 2008.

  10. ^

    Chile: Illicit Republic of croatia Arms Sale Case in Last Phase
    permanent dead link

    The Santiago Times, iv September 2007
    (in English)
  11. ^



    El verdadero objetivo del “boinazo” de Pinochet Archived 2007-09-11 at the Wayback Machine,
    Diario Siete, 25 September 2005
    (in Spanish)

  12. ^

    Chile abolishes insurrection holiday,
    BBC News, 20 August 1998

  13. ^

    Thousands march against Pinochet,
    BBC, 4 March 2000

  14. ^

    Soldier confirms Chile stadium killings,
    BBC, 27 June 2000
    (in English)

  15. ^

    U.Southward. sends back Pinochet girl,
    CNN, 28 January 2006

  16. ^

    Riesco, Manuel (September–Oct 2007). “Is Pinochet dead?”.
    New Left Review. New Left Review.

    Spanish pdf. Italian pdf.

  17. ^

    Lagos, Claudia; McDonneln, Patrick J. (iii August 2007). “Pinochet-era general is caught”.
    Los Angeles Times.

  18. ^

    Martin, Claire (30 August 2007). “Affrontements violents lors des manifestations anti-Bachelet”. France: RFI.

  19. ^

    Staff writer (30 August 2007). “Ultimo rest cifra en 670 los detenidos en jornada de protesta”.
    Radio Cooperativa.

  20. ^



    Staff writer (30 Baronial 2007). “Clashes erupt at Chilean protests”.
    BBC News. London: BBC.

  21. ^

    Vergara, R.; Lazaeta, P. (5 September 2007). “Navarro admite que golpeó dos veces “la mano” del carabinero”.
    El Mercurio.

  22. ^

    Cisternas, Hernán (31 August 2007). “Alianza analiza pedir inhabilidad de Navarro, Aguiló y Enríquez-Ominami”.
    El Mercurio.

  23. ^

    Staff writer (30 August 2007). “Arturo Martínez acusó al Gobierno de generar clima de violencia”.
    Radio Cooperativa.

  24. ^

    ‘The constitution of the dictatorship has died’: Republic of chile agrees bargain on reform vote”.
    the Guardian. 15 November 2019.

External links


  • Autonomous Transition in Chile from the Dean Peter Krogh Strange Affairs Digital Archives

Chile Became a Democracy Again in


Popular:   The Early Stages of the Core-periphery Model Describe the